Is Erdogan leaving?

Evidence is growing that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is ill, and that could be bad news for the country’s politics, writes “Foreign Policy” (FP).

Source: Blic

Foto: Profimedia

Photo: Profimedia

Since 2019. Turkish experts, journalists and pollsters followed Turkey’s 2023 general election schedule closely. Probably because the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) suffered a crushing defeat in its 2019 local elections in major cities, including Istanbul. . Regular polls since those elections reveal that the AKP’s popularity is “mild”, although it has kept its grip on Turkish institutions and the media. And it seems that Turkish President Erdogan is no longer welcome, especially among young people.

Erdogan may be really vulnerable ahead of the 2023 elections, but not necessarily for the reason most people would think – there are signs that the Turkish president may be too ill to is running for re-election at all, writes FP.

EPA-EFE/YVES HERMAN / POOL

EPA-EFE / YVES HERMAN / POOL

In recent months, a number of recordings have appeared in which Turkish the leader does not look good.

Some of them are less clear, but all together they open up some obvious questions about Erdogan’s health.

In one video, for example, it seems that the president needed the help of his wife and assistant as he descended the stairs.

On the other, he seems to have had difficulty walking near Anitkabir, the mausoleum of Turkish founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.

And on another video that gained attention last July, it was as if he had a hard time talking during a holiday greeting to AKP members on television.

Occasionally he looked pretty skinny, FP points out. In tandem with such recordings, there are also rumors about the president’s health, including stories that he is struggling with growing forgetfulness, as well as breathing problems, confusion, vomiting and the implantation of an internal defibrillator. According to these allegations, the president has increased the number of doctors around him, reduced meetings with the press and is taking painkillers before public events, according to the FP.

Of course, such rumors are often repeated by people outside Turkey or those far removed from the president’s inner circle, so rumors of Erdogan’s impending death could only be idle chatter. , indicates FP on its website. After all, the portal points out, other shots seem to be perfectly fine. When he appeared on the CBS show “Face the Nation” on September 26, he may not have looked as energetic as he used to, but he is still 67 years old – neither too old nor young – and he has been in power for more than 18 years, which has taken its toll.

What if Erdogan is really sick?

It is never good to judge someone’s health from a distance, especially if someone is not a doctor. But if such an assessment were to be considered experimentally for a moment, it would open up more questions, the FP points out. What if Erdogan is very ill? What will happen if he cannot enter the 2023 re-election race due to illness or death?

According to Article 106 of the Turkish Constitution, Vice President Fuat Oktay would take over the responsibilities and powers that Erdogan now has, until the elections are held (45 days) and the oath is taken. the new president.

It’s pretty simple and standard. Turkish analysts have long assumed that in post-Erdogan’s Turkey, the AKP will split in ways that will pave the way for competitive elections that could be won by any of Turkey’s major opposition politicians. Maybe it could be Ekrem Imamoglu, who defeated the former AKP prime minister twice, to become mayor of Istanbul. Or his colleague from Ankara, the powerful politician Mansur Javas, and Meral Aksener, the leader of the Good Party with a reputation for toughness.

Foto: Profimedia

 EPA-EFE/ERDEM SAHIN ↑ collapse

EPA-EFE / ERDEM SAHIN ↑ collapse

EPA-EFE/YVES HERMAN / POOL

There are reasonable scenarios according to which Imamoglu, Javas or Aksener would become the next president of Turkey, but the assumption underlying each of their victories is a return to the so-called normal policy after Erdogan.

It is possible, but there is a basis for skepticism.

First, it should be clear by now that Erdogan, through the AKP, has either emptied or persuaded Turkish political institutions to his will. In that context, it is difficult to imagine that the elections organized in 45 days would be fair and free.

Secondly, there is the fact that during Erdgoan’s almost two-decade rule, people from the inner circle of the AKP became richer and more powerful, often through controversial means and practices.

It seems unlikely that officials, businessmen, media personalities and others would be so willing to risk their possessions by surrendering to the uncertainty of a more democratic policy, the FP points out.

EPA-EFE/TOLGA BOZOGLU

EPA-EFE / TOLGA BOZOGLU

In such circumstances, it is worth considering the possibility that post-Erdogan’s Turkey would be ruled by another autocrat, perhaps in a state of emergency. Among the most powerful figures in Turkey, apart from Erdogan, are intelligence chief Hakan Fidan, Defense Minister Hulusi Akar and Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu.

Of the three, Akar seems to be in the best position to take the lead. Fidan is well known to the Turks, but he mostly operates behind closed doors of the National Intelligence Organization.

Sojlu has “damaged goods”, according to the FP, after Turkish mafia boss Sedat Peker pointed out that the minister was corrupt and connected to organized crime in a series of recordings posted on YouTube in recent months.

Akar also has one great advantage over Fidan and Soylu – the armed forces.

Analysts have sought to ignore the role of the military in Turkish politics since the 2003 and 2004 reforms brought the armed forces under civilian control. The failed coup in 2016 – during which a large number of Turks independently of politics refused to return to the system of military tutoring combined with the subsequent purges of officers – seems to have shattered the will of commanders to play a role in politics.

However, Akar, the chief of staff during the coup attempt and then the defense minister, played a central role in reshaping the armed forces after July 2016, which could lead to the army in a position to play a political role again – that of supporting Akar, according to the FP.

Turkey is more politically unstable today than ever in recent years. In the five years since the coup, the minister has been responsible for appointing close to 65 percent of officers, including hundreds of generals and an even higher percentage of non-commissioned officers.

 EPA-EFE/ERDEM SAHIN ↑ collapse

Photo: EPA-EFE / TOLGA BOZOGLU

In the days when the Turkish army shaped itself above politics, but still retained the duty to intervene to protect Kemal’s system, this may not have been so important. Had the military been subordinated to civilians through rules, regulations and ordinances, as the AKP began to do at the beginning of its rule, Akar’s influence within the ranks might not have been disputed. It seems that although the officers are subordinate to the civilians, it is not through political institutions but rather through loyalty. They owe their ranks and influence to two civilians – Akar and Erdogan.

If the president is incapacitated, or dies, it will leave Akara in a very powerful position.

Akar is an official who was directly responsible for Turkey’s aggressive stance in the Mediterranean in the summer of 2020, which opposed Turkey to its NATO allies Greece and France, reminds FP . It would be difficult for the Minister of Defense to approach Erdogan’s political skills and charisma, but with the loyalty of the officers – at least initially – he would not need that.

Depositphotos / efks

Of course, the FP points out, there is no way to find out Erdogan’s real health condition or who could inherit it, but analysts and government officials are not doing themselves a favor by assuming Erdogan will come by the 2023 election. If it does not come, Turkish politics could return to its previous state, cracks in the AKP could be an opportunity for the opposition, or the country could become more unstable and the like.

For years, the foreign policy community imagined that Egypt would pass from Hosni Mubarak to his son Gamal or the head of the intelligence service, Omar Suleiman. Turns out there was none of that. It would therefore be a big mistake to ignore the signs that the Turkish president’s health is deteriorating and to hope beyond all expectations that things will turn out as they should, concludes “Foreign Policy”.

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